By Sarwar A. Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything quite amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. no longer precise, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is lifeless, can't be mounted, and has to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to house Europe's emergence as an important strength. one of those usa of Europe, with international priorities varied from these of the U.S., has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the USA continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly battle realities; either Democrats and Republicans count on the eu Union to fall into step, and file for provider as neededвЂ”under American leadership.
Europe, despite the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the global level, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq struggle has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it was once a couple of department among American pursuits and eu objectives. He portrays British overseas coverage as out of contact with fact, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American targeted courting. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in accordance with a different courting with the ecu Union. This time table is electrified by means of the suggestions of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this e-book, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British top minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley okay. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra info for America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
It will be difficult if not impossible to rebuild the alliance if the neoconservative philosophy continues to influence America’s foreign policy. 32 America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq Division in the EU Just as the Iraqi war shone a powerful light on the fault line within Republican ranks, it also illuminated a serious divide within the European Union. It turns out the harmonious united-Europe image the Europeans like to project may not be so harmonious after all. “A key lesson of the rift over the Iraqi war is that if anything has been hurt more than the transatlantic relationship, it is the European Union,” argues Secretary Baker.
You mentioned some of the past rifts, I’ll mention a couple more,” Hagel told me. “Vietnam for one, we had a major, major rift over Vietnam. Go back to the Fifties—Suez Canal was another. ” Hagel believes these transatlantic differences have always been there and will continue to be there, but the really important issue is how to resolve the differences without fracturing the relationship, and he is convinced Europe and America have been very successful at that in the past and will also repair this rift.
Both share a common idea of an individual’s place in society and relationship to government; the concepts of democracy and liberty are woven into the fabric of the alliance. Facing an uncertain future scarred by the general availability of destructive technologies and a growing clash between competing visions of statehood, the alliance can substantially increase the odds that freedom will prevail. America may have the most powerful military force in the world by far, but “there is a crying need not just to kill terrorists, but to try and figure out what kind of a phenomenon it is and how to deal with it at its roots,” Scowcroft says.